But Germany is hesitant, causing deep frustration in Kyiv. It is an echo of the early days of the invasion, when Berlin was mocked for offering helmets when Ukraine needed heavy weapons. “Germany must understand that the timetable for the end of the war depends on its position,” Mykhailo Podolyak, a top adviser to Zelensky, told The Washington Post in an interview on Tuesday. A sweeping counterattack in the northeastern region of Kharkiv forced Russian troops into a hasty retreat and returned more than 1,100 square miles to Ukrainian control, a potential turning point more than six months into the war. Kyiv believes the requested heavy armor – including tanks and personnel carriers – could help turn this turning point into a tipping point. Ukrainian officials are now urging their Western partners to provide them with more weapons immediately. “The sooner we get this or that weapon from Germany, the sooner Germany finally breaks this feeling of closeness with Russia, the sooner the war will end,” Podolyak said. He said Ukraine is specifically asking for armored personnel carriers and tanks to be able to support its drive to the battlefield. However, Germany, so far, is unwilling to grant the request. The German government did not respond to a request for comment on Tuesday night, but said it was coordinating its response with allies. “No country has so far delivered any Western-made infantry fighting vehicles or main battle tanks,” German Defense Minister Christine Lambrecht said at an event in Berlin this week. “We have agreed with our partners that Germany will not take such measures unilaterally.” Russian troops in deep retreat as Ukraine offensive advances on Kharkiv At a news conference Monday with visiting Israeli Prime Minister Yair Lapid, Chancellor Olaf Scholz listed what he called “extensive” German weaponry that had already been provided, saying it was vital to the success of the counterattack. Almost no foreign nation has supplied tanks to Ukraine, instead sending aging models such as the M113, a tracked armored personnel carrier first introduced by the United States in the 1960s. Denmark provided 54 M113s that were upgraded from Germany and then sent to Ukraine, according to the German Defense Ministry. Poland and the Czech Republic have sent a few hundred Soviet-era T-72 tanks to Ukraine, with Germany promising to replenish their supplies. There is no doubt now that Ukraine could use more modern equipment, even if it would require further training. On Monday, a senior US defense official, speaking on condition of anonymity in line with ground rules set by the Pentagon, said the Ukrainians have shown in their counterattack that they are “quite effective” when using armored vehicles. “So clearly, this type of capability is important,” the defense official said, adding that the United States does not have any “specific plans for a specific capability at this point.” From the first days of Russia’s military offensive, Germany was accused of dragging its feet on arms deliveries to Kyiv. Initially, as Russian troops massed on Ukraine’s border, Berlin said its unique world war history and long-standing policy meant it could not send weapons. Days after Russian President Vladimir Putin invaded, as part of what was seen as a shift in the country’s defense policy, Germany said it would send weapons. But the government, led by Scholz, a Social Democrat, is still reluctant to send heavier weapons and has since been criticized for the speed and scope of the deliveries. Under public and political pressure, Berlin announced in April that it had approved the shipment of German-made self-propelled anti-aircraft weapons to Ukraine, with 24 sent so far. But he resisted calls to send tanks, including the German-made Leopard 2. According to German media reports, the manufacturer has 100 ready to ship. During a visit to Kyiv on Saturday, German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock told the Yalta European Strategy conference that Germany is “150 percent on the side of Ukraine and the people of Ukraine.” But at a joint press conference with her Ukrainian counterpart, Dmytro Kuleba, Baerbock did not commit to supplying the equipment requested by Kyiv. “As the situation on the ground changes, we are reviewing our support and will discuss further steps,” he said. In a tweet on Tuesday, Kuleba echoed Podolyak, adding that Ukraine was also hoping for Marder infantry fighting vehicles. The Leopard is a tank operated by numerous NATO allies, including Canada, Poland and Turkey, while the Marder is an infantry-carrying tracked armored vehicle that lacks a large-caliber “main gun”. “Disappointing messages from Germany, while Ukraine needs Leopards and Marders now – to free people and save them from genocide,” wrote Kuleba. “Not even a logical argument as to why these weapons cannot be handed over, only abstract fears and excuses. What is Berlin afraid of that Kyiv is not?” Putin, deaf and isolated, pursues war “goals” and refuses to lose Scholz’s centre-left Social Democrats have historically supported a policy of dovishness towards Russia, while the chancellor himself is known for an extremely reserved public style. His government has made a variety of arguments to resist pressure to expand arms deliveries – from not wanting to spark World War Three to saying Ukrainian troops would need training to handle modern weaponry. But often the statements were contradictory. Germany initially said it could not handle any of the Marder infantry fighting vehicles, but later sought a deal to send them to Slovenia so the eastern European country could send its own Soviet-era tanks to Ukraine. Berlin struck a similar deal with Poland and the Czech Republic, an exchange system meant to get tanks to Ukrainian forces more quickly, but those efforts have largely stalled. Scholz says he is carefully coordinating deliveries with Western partners. And in a 90-minute conversation with Putin on Tuesday, Solz said he stressed that Russia must withdraw its troops and respect Ukraine’s territorial sovereignty. But even among NATO allies there appears to be some frustration with Berlin. In an interview with German broadcaster ZDF on Monday, US Ambassador to Germany Amy Gutmann said she welcomed Germany’s efforts to support Ukraine, but “my expectations are even higher”. The war in Ukraine has posed a challenge to Germany’s position in Europe. In the early days of the war, Germany, long dependent on Russian fossil fuels, was a notable target of sanctions, particularly in energy. The Baltic states and Poland called for a full and immediate energy embargo. Germany and others opposed the idea, arguing that it would harm Europe more than the Kremlin. Although evidence of Russian atrocities in Bucha helped Germany and the rest of the bloc phase out most oil imports from Russia, disenchantment with Berlin has remained, particularly in Ukraine and among Central and Eastern European states. In April, Zelensky rejected an offer to visit German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier, who has a complicated history with Ukraine due to his role in the failed Minsk peace accords. In a recent interview with Der Spiegel, Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki called out German energy policy and said that for Ukraine, “Berlin’s hesitation, its inaction, seriously calls into question the value of the alliance with Germany.” “And we’re not the only ones saying that,” he continued. “I hear that from many other heads of government in Europe.” Ukraine’s current pressure campaign in Germany comes after the latest meeting of the Contact Group on the Defense of Ukraine, a coalition of dozens of nations organized by the Pentagon. Ukrainian officials, including Defense Minister Oleksii Reznikov, attended and briefed the team, according to Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin. The Ukrainian attack thwarted Russia’s plans to annex Kharkiv Germany defended its record and drew attention to its economic and military aid to Ukraine. In diplomatic and political circles, however, there is still much talk of Germany’s weakened leadership within the European Union and in European security more broadly. The question now is whether Ukraine’s latest attack will change Berlin’s calculus, prompting another major foreign policy shift. “I understand that there is still some conservative thinking, there are some fears, and there is some regret about the lost opportunities in the energy sector with the Russian Federation,” Podolyak said. “We all understand that, but there will be no going back to the past. And now, in my opinion, a critical moment is approaching for Germany, when it is necessary to express its real position, the position of the European leader.” Morris reported from Berlin, Rauhala from Brussels and Lamothe from Washington. Karen DeYoung in Washington contributed to this report.
War in Ukraine: What you need to know
The last: Grain shipments from Ukraine are being accelerated under the agreement reached by Ukraine, Russia, Turkey and the United Nations in July. Russia’s blockade of Ukraine’s Black Sea ports had sent food prices skyrocketing and raised fears of more famine in the Middle East and Africa. At least 18 ships, including cargoes of wheat, corn and sunflower oil, have departed. The battle: The conflict on the ground continues as Russia uses its heavy artillery advantage to pound Ukrainian forces, which have at times managed to put up stiff resistance. In the south, the Ukrainian…
